IMPRISONED, WILLINGLY
Maulana Maududi (رحمتہ اللہ علیہ) returned to the country on August 21, 1974 after his medical treatment in the US. The JI workers decided to accord him a warm welcome at Karachi Airport, and the preparations began. When the day came, there were workers carrying the party’s flags at the venue as far as one could see. When the JI founder came out, many rushed to get a glimpse of him, which created a bit of a stampede. This made him upset and annoyed. After some time, he left the airport’s premises and went to his brother-in-law‘s house. His wife boarded another car being driven by me. Upset at the ruckus, she said, “The workers should spare him now, at least. Look what it has done to his health,” (she was referring to his unwellness). I felt sorry for the workers’ emotional behavior, and I realized that it would have been better to assign the welcoming to some of the high-ups only.
A public gathering was planned for the same night outside Saudabad’s Farooqui Mosque. Everything turned out as planned as thousands converged there even before the designated time to hear their leader speak. When the organizers reached Maulana’s house to take him to the rally, he refused angrily. A number of eminent people were already there waiting to meet him, including renowned legal expert A.K Brohi. Observing the situation, he insisted upon the JI founder to address the participants who had traveled long distances to see him. Maulana was really fond of Mr. Brohi, so he agreed and asked his wife who was in the room next to his to get his clothes ready. She got anxious and asked him where he was going. Maulana, who was still upset at the earlier incident, replied, “To the graveyard.” But after some time, he changed his clothes and left. He was a noble man, and people like him don’t let anger rule their emotions for long.
Addressing that gathering, the JI founder said, “Those who are steadfast in Allah’s path are able to march ahead. No power, irrespective of its might, can stop them, and no remorse or setback is an obstacle for them. They don’t regret their sacrifices but are happy for being chosen for Allah’s path. They don’t fear anyone but Allah and are not intimidated by stun-guns, teargas, or batons. Such people cannot be lured by money or rank to give up their mission. They are not impressed at the opportunity to become a Prime Minister or a President or to live in a palace or be in possession of a treasure, as none of these hold any worth for them. The only thing that they value is being valuable in Allah’s sight.”
He added, “Those who stand firm in Allah’s path are aided by His angels, but not in a way that they hand us the throne, but if we show steadfastness, they ensure that we find success at every corner. If we only care about pleasing Allah and do not put anyone above Him, we can be certain about our victory. Our belief in Allah alone, selflessness, and consistent struggle brings success to us. This is my advice to all those working for Islam’s cause and to the workers of this Islamic movement.” Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) couldn’t garner substantial votes from Karachi in the 1970 elections, but Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto did try to win the hearts of the city’s dwellers. Pakistan Steel Mills, Abbasi Shaheed Hospital, Sindh Medical College, Comprehensive High Schools, and Liaquatabad’s supermarket were all set up during his tenure. The absurd policy of industries’ nationalization, however, hurt Karachi irreparably, with its decades-long repercussions. Likewise, the rural and urban quota system for government jobs proved to be detrimental to the city, with overall negative effects on the province. A healthy atmosphere of competition is essential for any nation or race, whereas decisions like the quota system put nations in a regressive mode and deviate youth from their path.
In March 1976, ZA Bhutto appointed General Zia-ul-Haq as the army chief. A seemingly easygoing and professional officer later turned out to be a nuisance for him. ZA Bhutto was well-educated, served top government posts, and enjoyed popularity in different sections of society. But he also had a feudal and dictatorial element in him. He couldn’t tolerate opposition and wouldn’t hesitate to crush his rivals by force.
Pakistan National Alliance
By the time elections were announced in 1977, PPP’s popularity had plunged, especially in large cities. As soon as the schedule was released, political parties across the country decided to unite against the party under one flag. This paved the way for the formation of Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). Karachi proved to be a stronghold for the alliance as it bagged a huge victory from there. By rejecting PPP, the people of the city proved once again that they didn’t want the country in the hands of those who supported secularism, socialism, or any other “ism,” and that their association with Pakistan’s ideological basis, i.e., Islam, was very strong.
Sardar Sherbaz Khan Mazari, Mahmood Azam Farooqui, Syed Munawar Hassan, Maulana Muhammad Hassan Haqqani, Professor Ghafoor Ahmad, Mushir Pesh Imam, Haji Hanif Tayyab, Shah Farid-ul-Haq, and Air Marshal (retired) Asghar Khan got elected to the National Assembly from Karachi. Syed Munawar Hassan secured 73,997 votes while his opponent, renowned poet Jameeluddin Aali, could manage 33,086. The PNA boycotted provincial assembly elections following complaints of rigging from across Pakistan. In the general elections of March 7, 1977, PPP got 155 seats while PNA was left with 36. A furor ensued, with the alliance at the forefront of the protest. The opposition observed a countrywide strike on March 11. It also announced to launch a movement, which reached its peak by late April. The protest was so intense that the government decided to impose partial martial law in some cities. But before it could happen, all political and religious parties announced mass voluntary imprisonment as part of the movement. A representative meeting of different political parties in Karachi decided voluntary arrests of a few workers every day at a busy public place. I decided to keep my potential arrest a secret. I just went to my mother and kissed her on the forehead. She seemed to know immediately that something wasn’t right.
A large number of police personnel were waiting for us at the S.I.T.E roundabout. When we got near, a policeman came to me and, to my surprise, politely said, “Sir! Please come with me and sit in the vehicle,” and I did. I didn’t know about the police orders for the rest as those accompanying me were also apprehended and taken to a police station. We were then booked and put into Landhi jail but moved the same night to Sukkur jail, which was a sight to see. Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani, Professor Ghafoor, Professor Shah Farid-ul-Haq, Bostan Ali Hoti, Mir Ali Ahmad Talpur, Sardar Sherbaz Mazari, Dost Muhammad Faizi, and General (retired) Amir Abdullah Niazi were all behind bars. While we enjoyed affection from political and religious leaders there, I also had a conversation with Gen Niazi.
“What did you do? You surrendered with an entire army in your lead!!” He replied in quite an innocent tone, “I was told that if I didn’t, we would lose West Pakistan as well! What was I supposed to do then?” Seeing him naively looking at me, I said, “Never have Muslims in the Islamic history surrendered to an enemy in such strength, let alone lose an entire arm, inhabitants of which crossed a river of blood to reach an independent piece of land.” He listened to the bitter talk silently. We began congregational prayers inside the jail. I used to say the call for prayers, and Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani would lead the prayers.
The local JI workers used to bring meals for the detainees. But before long, authorities began to release the prisoners. All of us were to be released separately, at different times. I was the last among them. I was approaching the exit after being released when Gen Niazi walked hurriedly to me and said, “Don’t forget to make some effort to get me freed once you are outside.” Seeing him in such a helpless situation got me thinking if it was the same general who boasted about allowing the enemy invasion ‘over his dead body’. I assured him that I would try my best, but the fact is the detainees were going to be released either way. During my busy schedule inside the jail, I used to worry about my office. Allah’s help came; the clients would themselves pay the dues at the office. A large number of party workers gathered outside the jail at the time of my release. They took me with them to Karachi via train. People greeted us at every station. The party activists in Karachi knew about our arrival, and they had converged at the station. The JI organized a procession near Nazimabad’s petrol pump after a few days. There was an ocean of men overflowing the ground. The stage was set at the center of the venue. Accompanying prominent political leaders was none other than Gen Niazi.
