TAMEER-E-KARACHI PROGRAM
It had been a year after we started to revamp the dilapidated city, and were planning for the next year when torrential rains shook its fragile infrastructure. Several precious lives were lost. As the newspapers reported the details of the damages and pictures of wrecked roads, President Pervez Musharraf came to Karachi and convened a meeting at Governor’s House to review the situation. Governor Sindh Dr. Ishrat-ul-Ebad, I and officers of different departments were a part of the meeting. President Musharraf sought details and asked as to why the city had to face such a destruction. When it came to challenges, the officers spoke about the issues and lack of resources. Some of them put forth suggestions, followed by discussion over several other things. The president listened to everyone and before he could say anything conclusive, he wished to undertake a comprehensive visit by road.
Prior to the meeting, I was thinking that several federal departments use Karachi’s land, port and infrastructure but don’t give a rupee in return for its development. If all such departments do their part, the situation can be a lot better. So, there should be a mechanism to bind the heads of the departments to spend some of their earnings on the city’s uplift. It was the water board’s MD Javed Ashraf who urged me to go ahead with my idea. He once asked: “Why don’t you take money from the Karachi Port Trust?” He knew about KPT’s financial situation as he had served the department. He said that the KPT has an additional Rs20 billion, and said that a little effort could result in at least three to four billion being spent on the city’s development. It was a really good suggestion and then I thought: why not bring many other stakeholders into the pool?
Meanwhile, President Musharraf was scheduled to visit Karachi again. He was due to arrive here in a few days when Prime Minister Mir Zafarullah Khan Jamali came to the city. I accompanied the governor and the chief minister to receive him at the airport. As he exited a special plane, he and I got on board a helicopter, while the governor and CM were on another one. The premier inspected the damages for an hour and a half and lamented at the situation, but didn’t announce a package, contrary to our expectations. President Musharraf returned after completing his visit. He came back in a week and this time, he was set to inspect the city by road. The visit was set to begin from Governor’s House so I finalized my preparations, including the things that I wanted to say. I reached the Governor’s House at 9am the next day and the president arrived there shortly. He did not have much security with him at the time; it was only heightened after the deadly suicide attack on him in the days ahead. Everyone sat in their respective cars. Coincidentally, I was in the car with the president. The only person with him in the car was his ADC. The convoy first reached Maulvi Tameezuddin Khan Road, before passing by PIDC House and reaching Shahrah-e-faisal. When he left COD behind and reached the newly built Rashid Minhas road, he was really happy at seeing its condition as compared to other roads. I told him that there are several federal departments operating in the city, including Karachi Port Trust, PIA, Steel Mills and railways. I added that as per our information, KPT alone has Rs20 billion. I added that I had held pressers, sent out appeals and made statements to the press to get their attention, but no one was willing to spend a rupee here.
At this, President Musharraf said: “Have you spoken directly to the heads of these institutions?” I replied: “People aren’t listening to me, nor they will.” Looking amazed, he asked: “Why is that?” If you ask, I’ll explain it to you clearly; these institutions are led and supervised by brigadiers, major generals, admirals and colonels, why would they listen to me?” He took a deep sigh and said: “Alright, I will return to Karachi in a week and will get this resolved.” A detailed note of the briefing was penned. Izhar-ul-Haq, Saleem Azhar and DCO Mir Hussain Ali worked on the proposal for a two full days and spoke with EDOs of different departments to finalize it. I also consulted all of the town nazims to draft the proposal. The president reached Karachi and convened a meeting at Governor’s House, where the heads of different departments were also present. While speaking in the context of ‘Tameer-e-Karachi’, we told the president that as per our estimate, the revival of the city – which generates 70 percent of the country’s revenue – will cost Rs29 billion. We briefed him in detail about each and every project. He listened carefully to every detail and while praising the idea, said: “I like the idea put forth by Naimatullah sahib. I and everyone else is aware of the city’s complex issues and this project will be incredibly helpful for its progress.”
He approved the project, binding the federal government to pay Rs8 billion, provincial government (Rs3b), city government (Rs6b) and other stakeholders (Rs12b) to the city. The plan included immediate, medium-term and long-term projects, with a collective duration of one to four years. In order to implement the plan, the projects were divided according to the zones.
The Zone 1 consisted of bin Qasim, Gadap & Landhi town, Pakistan Steel, Port Qasim Authority and Export Processing Zone. These institutions were responsible for building a flyover worth Rs80m at Quaidabad ‘T’ Junction, Ibrahim Hyderi Road – Port Qasim to Pakistan Refinery –at a cost of Rs200m, citywide solid waste management project for Rs1.1b and completion of the remaining work at Mehran Highway for Rs50m. The Zone 2 comprised Malir, Shah Faisal and Gulshan-e-Iqbal towns, neighboring Civil Aviation Authority, PIA, military land & cantonment and National Logistics Cell (defence ministry). These institutions were given the task to build Dhabeji power plant worth Rs650m, roads in Malir costing Rs300m, roads from farms to markets for Rs200m, and Malir River Bridge near Shah Faisal Colony & University Road at a cost of Rs3b. The areas of SITE, Orangi, Baldia, Gulberg, Liaquatabad, North Nazimabad and North Karachi towns formed Zone 3, and the neighboring SITE Association of Industries and Pakistan Railways were asked to pay for the rebuilding of Shahrah-e-Pakistan at a cost of Rs600m and Shahrah-e-Orangi for Rs500m. Their task also included reviving a municipal and landfill site for Rs400m and installing a sewage treatment plant for Rs500m.
The Zone 4 consisted of Korangi, Saddar, Jamshed, Kemari and Lyari towns, and their progress was linked with KPT (transportation ministry), oil companies (petroleum ministry), Defence Housing Authority, State Bank, Banks (commerce ministry) and Ministry of Works. They were responsible to build Malir River Bridge on Korangi road costing Rs300m, Qayyumabad flyover at Hino chowrangi for Rs200m, renew Shahrah-e-Ghalib for Rs450m, establish an emergency response center worth Rs200m and rebuild MA Jinnah road, Moulvi Tameezuddin Khan Road & I.I. Chundrigar road at a cost of Rs540m. They were also tasked with buying machinery and other equipment worth Rs1b, installing a desalination plant costing Rs900m and reviving Malir & Lyari Rivers for Rs1.2b.
The industrial areas of Korangi, Landhi, Federal B. Area and North Karachi were included in Zone 5, where the Export Promotion Bureau was responsible for spending R1b to revive the system of sewerage, water, rain drainages and roads, as well as installing a treatment plant worth Rs1.5b. The Zone 6 covered the entire city, allocating Rs6.56b for the repair of old infrastructure and Rs1b to build new bridges, flyovers, roads and a new sewerage system for newly established areas. Also, 2.715b were to be spent to revive the existing sewerage system and Rs2.20b to bring the water channels, rain drainages and sewage drainages in order. Rs3b were to be collectively spent by the city, provincial and federal governments to rectify the water system. Several major areas of Gulshan-e-Iqbal and Jamshed towns didn’t have any sewerage system at all, and the rain and natural drainages were being used for this purpose for years. The rain drainages were operational because of seldom rains and a fully active system of moving waste at the level of Union Councils and towns, from homes and neighborhoods to landfill sites during our entire term, but this critical issue needed a permanent solution. This is why we made the segregation of sewerage and drainage systems a part of Tameer-e-Karachi package. A day after the meeting at Governor’s House, Chairman KPT Vice Admiral Ahmad Hayat called me and termed the plan significant. He said that the finalization of minutes of the meeting and other details and subsequent communication with Islamabad will take considerable time, and he wanted to play his role immediately. He asked for a joint meeting in order to begin the development work on an immediate basis.
I went to his office the next day where I saw that he had the officers of civil works with him. We consulted and decided on a few things, and chairman KPT indicated initiating work on the city’s first underpass at Clifton immediately. Highlighting that Hinopak flyover is also a key project, we asked him to initiate work on it as well. Ahmad Hayat said that the underpass will be completed by KPT, from design to tendering. I sought my team’s role in the monitoring phase. He understood that I wasn’t the kind to compromise on the standards.
He also wished that the underpass be named after the institution, which wasn’t objectionable at all. In fact, they deserved it! Besides, we were more concerned with development than with name plates. He promised to allocate an amount of Rs3b for Hinopak flyover and some other projects. Afterwards, I approached Chairman Pakistan Steel Mills, Col. Afzal and advised him to announce his share of the development work at a public gathering. This, I suggested, will make the masses happy and help change the general opinion about the federal institutions operating in the city. A few days later, the city government organized a public gathering at Quaidabad, wherein the colonel announced a link road between Quaidabad flyover, National Highway and Superhighway. These projects were in their initial phase when he passed away. When Brigadier Abdul Qayyum took the reins, he opted out of the link road project citing financial constraints. He said that the institution could only build Quaidabad Bridge now. I met Chairman PIA, Ahmad Saeed and reminded him that it was his task to rebuild University road. He said: “Well, you can build the road, we will provide the fund.” He convened a meeting of PIA’s board of directors where it was decided that the institution will pay Rs300m to the city government. He honored his pledge after some time. The grand project also included a budget for Karachi’s masterplan. In this regard, EDO masterplan Atiq Baig, EDO Works Shoaib Siddiqui and our team worked hard and in 2003, we advertised the requirements for the prequalification of consultants. The previous masterplan was crafted during the 70s, and was never implemented as per its spirit. In the absence of the planning, the city continued to expand in every direction and becoming a hub of problems. It was crucial to reduce the hostility between MQM and Jamaat-e-Islami as it was causing a direct effect on the city’s development projects. After consulting JI’s Karachi nazm, I met Governor Sindh Dr. Ishrat-ul-Ebad and invited him to inaugurate a dialysis center which was supposed to be inaugurated by me. The center had been established at Sindh Government Hospital, New Karachi with cooperation from a UK-based welfare center ‘Noor Foundation’. He was amazed at hearing what I said and happily agreed.
When I reached the venue as scheduled, it was a unique event to witness. Most people sitting there were waving MQM’s flags as if it was a political gathering. Every few minutes, we could hear the chants in support of the governor and other party stalwarts. I sought the coordination officer and inquired about the speakers. He took out a piece of paper carrying the names of MQM’s local MNA and MPA and even the sector in-charge. The coordination officer looked perplexed, not being sure what he should do. I took that paper from him and tore it apart, and prepared a new list of the speakers. I told him that the center had been established by a welfare institution on our request, so it was better to keep the event as apolitical.
After a little while, the governor entered the venue and sat on the stage. When I came to the dais, I thanked the head of the welfare institution and addressing the governor, I said: “I know that you represent MQM and you know very well that I belong to JI. I do not wish for the conflict to reach the corridors of city government and we can work together for the welfare of the metropolis.” I then invited the governor to speak to the participants. After looking at the agenda of the public gathering, he spoke eloquently and said that he agreed that the city belonged to all of us and we will have to rise above our political affiliations for the its sake. He inaugurated the dialysis center and left. After some time, the governor convened MQM’s MNAs and MPAs, as well as me and the DCO. Almost all of them piled up their grievances against me and the city government. At first, I silently listened to them but then I made it clear: “This will only give rise to the dispute, not defuse it. If an MNA or an MPA has a grievance, they may visit my office and talk to me in person; my doors are always wide open for the resolution of legitimate issues.” The MNAs and MPAs said: “We also are elected representatives but the officers don’t listen to us.” The governor had figured what the issue was and why was it so. The meeting ended but there was no noticeable change in the behavior of the party’s lawmakers and sector in-charges. President Musharraf would visit the city every now and then to look after the new system, remove the obstacles and review the development work. Corps Commander Tariq Waseem Ghazi would usually be with him during the visits. We became frank because of our frequent interactions during the meetings.
Lt. Gen. Tanvir Naqvi – the primary individual behind the system – would often convene meetings to review the situation and inquire about the performance of elected representatives. Due to meetings on different occasions, I had developed an understanding with him as well. He was an avid reader and had ample knowledge about the local body systems of different countries. Tariq Waseem Ghazi was aware of the system’s complexities as well as hurdles from the provincial government, and would convey them to Gen Musharraf from time to time. It was during those days that he summoned MQM ministers and MPAs, also inviting me to attend the meeting. Addressing the ministers, he said: “Why don’t you let Naimat sahib do his work. He wants to do his job and is doing it well. Why are you creating hurdles for him without a reason?” One of the ministers replied: “I don’t know why he is against us and keeps talking about us. We did appoint the son-in-law of Prof. Ghafoor – his party’s leader – as an EDO (revenue), what more can we do?” (The officer that the minister was talking about was appointed on the condition that he would follow the directives of the provincial government, not mine). A little surprised, the president just asked his secretary to “note this down”.
The initial disagreement with the corps commander, Karachi over the referendum turned into a good relationship after a few meetings. He respected me and fully supported our initiatives for development, and would also try to remove hurdles from the provincial government in this regard. Though seemingly soft-spoken, he wanted discipline when it came to rules and regulations. He was an expert at explaining his point of view in a few words. Once, I was in his office when he directed his secretary: “Ask Kamal to name three people for DIG (traffic).” Kamal Shah was the IG Sindh at the time and Tariq Waseem Ghazi wanted to remove the DIG from his post, being unsatisfied with him. Without a lengthy prelude, he sent out a small message to IG Sindh, and a DIG was removed just like that.
He would often say that the development and progress in Karachi should not stop. Then came a point in time when I found myself too annoyed with the situation. I was invited to the 2nd annual globalization conference by the Global Forum in Rome, Italy. It was already decided when I found out that the president will be visiting the city on the day when I was scheduled to leave, and his agenda included a meeting with Karachi’s lawmakers, besides a separate interaction with me. It was hard to decide whether I should attend the conference or the meeting. When I spoke to the corps commander, he said: “Your visit is important, but I think that you should meet the president at all costs. Let’s find a solution to this.” Tariq Waseem Ghazi made personal efforts to have the president’s visit rescheduled and he arrived in the city ahead of his plan. When I heard about it, I went straight to Army House where I had a one-on-one meeting with him. I carried some files detailing the provincial government’s obstacles and irregularities.
As I was handing over the files to him, I was also detailing specific issues related to them. Without saying a word, he would just look at every file. Suddenly, his ADC entered the room and gave him a piece of paper. He gave it a considerate look and said: “Naimat sahib, what’s this Bagh Ibn-e-Qasim issue? I have heard that you are delaying it unnecessarily.” He went on to say a few more things of the sort. I replied: “This must be from Mahmood Haroon? He want to build the park and wanted me to skip the procedure and award the tender to the person of his choosing. I can’t do this. I will advertise a proper tender for this and the best bidder will get it, that’s what it’s about!” Putting the paper aside, President Musharraf said: “You are absolutely right in what you’re doing.” The meeting ended but the interference by provincial ministers didn’t.”مرض بڑھتا گیا جوں جوں دوا کی!
Pervez Musharraf – who emerged stronger after the referendum – was now facing a bigger issue. On one hand, he didn’t like the obstacles in the way of the city’s progress, while on the other, he did not want to draw the ire of his ally that was involved in it. He was finding it hard to ‘maintain the balance’, although he would cite the development in Karachi as an example in Pakistan and abroad, saying he wanted to replicate it in the rest of the country.
Obstacles and difficulties
I will cite one instance of how MQM impeded local government’s efforts for development. After the approval of Tameer-e-Karachi project, we requested the provincial government to include Rs2billion from its share into the development fund. They did what they pledged, but as per the procedure, the grant couldn’t be issued without the approval of the planning and development ministry.I asked Saleem Azhar to approach Shoaib Bukhari, who led the ministry. He was a stalwart of the party, but he had a decent background and was somewhat impressed by the city’s uplift, especially our method of operating transparently. Saleem Azhar met him in the assembly’s premises and – agreeing to the suggestion in principle – he sent the file to the finance ministry. When other people belonging to MQM found out about this, they conveyed it to Altaf Hussain and we were told by Bukhari sahib’s close aide that he was summoned at the headquarters, Nine Zero and given a harsh reprimand. Soon after, they issued an absurd order via Finance Minister Sardar Ahmad sahib, cancelling their provincial minister’s approval. The communiqué sent by the finance ministry to DCO stated that the city government cannot use the fund without a written approval from the ministry. Both Shoaib Bukhari and Sardar Ahmad apologized to me in person, saying it wasn’t right or good for the city, but that the earlier approval had been impeded by someone who cannot be questioned.
The situation deteriorated further when they began to transfer officers of good repute and replace them with corrupt and stained ones. Despite the fact that the Sindh local government ordinance clearly forbade a transfer prior to the completion of three years, three officers of the works & services department were replaced within a year. These actions were followed by meetings at the Governor’s House to maintain control over these officers. Local bodies’ advisor Waseem Akhter succeeded Muhammad Hussain – who had led the ministry. Sadly, he too didn’t make an effort to run the affairs of the ministry positively. Shoaib Siddiqui – a key EDO of the city government’s works & services department and project director for Tameer-e-Karachi – was also transferred. He was a hardworking and professional officer skilled in his work. He belonged to Karachi and – having served various key administrative posts in the city – was well aware of its complex issues. He was removed despite his performance. The objective was clear; impede our operation and slow down the progress.
After these actions, the provincial government posted Sarfaraz Ali Shah as EDO Works. Initially, we could not get to terms with him but didn’t have any other option. We appointed Rauf Akhter Farooqui – Controller KBCA – as the project director for Tameer-e-Karachi as the post was vacant at the time. The provincial government – once again – exercised its powers and restrained him from work. He eventually resigned as well.
His post, too was handed to Sarfaraz Ali Shah. Rauf Akhter Farooqui was removed from service on MQM’s pressure. He was reinstated by Mustafa Kamal, leading to completion of several key projects under his supervision. One can gauge the party’s style of politics with this; they viewed Karachi’s interest with their own lens. Two other development institutions, namely Malir Development Authority and Lyari Development Authority were also part of the city government, but the high-ups of the provincial authority viewed them as a gold mine and there was no way for them to hand over their control to us. The officers deputed in these institutions reported to me but they took orders from the provincial government.
With a lot of patience and sagacity, we managed to convince them to cooperate with us. Mir Hussain Ali – who succeeded Shafiq Paracha as the DCO, played a crucial role in this regard. He wasn’t the talking kind but was really good at making the officers follow directives. We allotted the New Malir Housing Society plots – an MDA scheme – transparently via balloting. Several ceremonies were organized to hand over allotment orders and the governor was invited to them. The Hawkes Bay scheme awaited official attention for years. We initiated development work in the area under the Khushhal Pakistan and ADP schemes. I wanted to make these two government housing schemes livable for commoners as soon as possible, but the ‘system’ remained a hurdle in our way. Sometimes, it felt as if some well- organized forces did not want these schemes to see light of day and provide relief to the allottees.
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